Any constructive criticism against the Head of State has always been misconstrued to disrespecting the President. Governors, senators and other leaders from the ruling tribe normally hurl insults against any Kenyan who dares to raise concern over the state of the nation with regard to underperformance.
Tribalism was almost absent at independence. Kenyans aligned themselves with their African identity. The fact that they had triumphed over a common enemy bound them together. The edification process achieved with the ability of self-rule enabled Kenyans of all walks of live to freely travel all over the country and interact with people in other parts of the country. The sense of togetherness was so strong that spurred economic growth.
The sense of nationalism slowly drained away from Kenyans. Politicians who became weak on the national platform wafted back to their tribal outfits and chose to attack from their tribal conclaves. Tribalism is the biggest impediment to national unity. Tribal dogmatic mindset among the political class propagates societal fissures. The scourge of tribalism has been perpetuated by successive governments since Kenyatta’s administration.
During Mzee Jomo Kenyatta’s tenure there was a clique of powerful men who wielded more powers than any other ordinary Kenya. Dr. Njoroge Mungai, Sir Charles Njonjo and Njenga Karume were among few individuals who had close ties with Kenyatta. Despite the drunkenness of James Gichuru, the President lacked the audacity to sack him from the ministry.
Jomo Kenyatta’s associates were fondly referred as the Kiambu mafias. The Nyayo regime wasn’t that different from the previous one. President Moi took power in 1978 and chose to work more closely with the likes of Nicholas Biwott, Rueben Chesire, Francis Lotodo and Henry Kosgey.
Nicholas Kipyator Biwott, alias Total Man, was the engine that drove Moi’s government. His word was law and anybody who dared to cross his path had to face his full wrath. He was among the esoteric few politicians who could challenge Moi’s decisions.
1992 Tribal Clashes
The 1992 tribal clashes were executed by the blue-eyed men in Moi’s government. Rift valley province was the worst hit, as majority people were chased away from their establishments
Kapenguria Mp Francis Lotodo while addressing his constituents in Makutano town told them to make sure they have eradicated all luhyias, kikuyus and kisiis. Non-pokots were referred as ‘madoadoa’. A sense of fear engulfed people who were perceived to be pro-opposition, something that led to voter apathy in 1992 elections that enabled KANU retain power.
How Tribalism almost destroyed ODM
State officers with close affinity to power tend to be drunk of power to the extent of shutting down anybody with the guts to whistle blow the stalled projects in their respective areas of jurisdiction. When the issue of MAU forest came to the fore, William Ruto who had by then acquired regional clout in the expansive Rift Valley region, vowed to shut it down. This marked the genesis of his bitter animosity with Raila.
Raila went to the point of ‘sacking’ him in a televised press conference, thus raising queries of the constitutionality in the firing of a minister by a Prime Minister. The constitution mandated only the President to hire and fire cabinet ministers. President Kibaki retained Ruto as the minister for higher education to the chagrin of Raila.
North Rift political leaders left ODM en masse. The largest political party of the time was on the verge of disintegration. Raila’s ODM suffered a major blow when most Rift valley MPs chose to support one of their own.
At the course of 2011 the International Criminal Court based at The Hague in Netherlands found both Uhuru and Ruto, the leading masterminds of the tribal instigated violence that pervaded some parts of Rift Valley. The much hyped Waki envelop unearthed Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto, Henry Kosgey, Joshua Sang, Mohammed Ali and Francis Muthaura as the key architects of the post-election violence.
Graft Menace
The scourge of corruption is as old as Kenya itself. There are no written records expressing the origin of corruption, because it has been in existence for decades. State agents are the main perpetrators of graft.
Looting and embezzlement of public resources is part and puzzle of government officials. Allocation of state resources is disproportionate due to the desire of a few individuals who believe that being in government is synonymous with “it’s-our-time-to-eat’.
Fighting corruption is a sad affair than corruption itself. During independence there were no constitutionally established organs to fight corruption. The independence constitution was silent on the matter because it was something that was unheard of and there were more pressing issues to be battled with at that time.
Systems that were in existent before, provided a congenial environment for corrupt elements to thrive. Public coffers were mercilessly looted by a few disgruntled state officers who were out to enrich themselves from the sweat of the common mwananchi.
Corruption was institutionalized whereas its fight was commercialized. The sense of ‘why hire a lawyer when you can bribe a judge’ steadfastly became the best remedy for white-collar looters.
Goldenberg scandal was the first mega scam, where millions of shillings were siphoned from the public coffer through dubious means. Senior government officials were part of the scam that adversely tainted the Nyayo regime.
Kamlesh Pattni, the main architect of goldenberg, wasn’t jailed at all. He used the proceeds of corruption to defend himself from being jailed. He was finally acquitted with no single cent recovered from the loot. Despite the fact that court proceedings cost the taxpayers an extra budget, there was no substantial outcome.
Anglo leasing scam occurred during Kibaki’s administration. Just like Goldenberg scandal, senior government officials were implicated. Most of Kibaki’s worthy lieutenants were accused as having been part of those individuals who benefited from the proceeds of anglo-leasing. There was no single successful prosecution and arrest of those involved.
The sad reality that Kenyans have to live with is that when senior government officials are involved in corruption, the hotness of the frying pan is reduced. There is a Kenyan saying that attests that the law is like a saw, it cuts the front and the hind. But it seems that with matters corruption, some are spared the full wrath of the law.
The rule of law ought to apply to all and sundry for a just society. The rule of law should go beyond rank, file, status, position, or class.
Fighting corruption would have been easier, if the laws of the land would have cut across board. Nobody should be immune from prosecution, as the case has been in Kenya. Corrupt leaders shouldn’t drag their tribes during trials, because when they loot they benefit as individuals and not as a community.
The political class tendency is that when they are implicated, they start lamenting that their community is targeted. This atavistic and retrogressive thought derails the fight against graft.
Smart ‘Thieves’
Kenyans, like the rest of the world, embrace technology. Smart gadgets have found their way into Kenya’s market. Information sharing has been revolutionized. 21st century witnessed a tremendous telecommunication breakthrough, where problem solving is faster than it was before.
Technological upheavals have got their own challenges. Economic criminals have digitalized their operations. The emergence of electronic cash transfers posed a great threat in the fight against economic crimes.
Bribing Culture
Statistically, traffic police officers are the most corrupt. Most of the men in uniform at the roadsides believe that every vehicle must have some fault. The vehicle will always remain under captivity till one is able to part with bribe dubbed ‘kitu kidogo’. The phrase ‘kitu kidogo’ is a word that is known by most Kenyans, and reminds us of the song by Eric Wainaina titled ‘nchi ya kitu kidogo.’
Grotesquely, Kenyans are accustomed to issuing bribes. If you have ever travelled in a public vehicle, while approaching a police roadblock, you will notice the driver holding some cash on his right hand ready to deliver to the cop upon greeting him. You will notice that the police don’t ask for it, but the driver dishes out some money to avoid many questions.
Why it’s hard to fight corruption
In comparison to other developing countries, Kenya is among the worst hit by corruption. President Mwai Kibaki in his first swearing in ceremony promised to fight corruption in his government.
In his acceptance speech he said, “I am inheriting a country that has been badly ravaged by years of misrule and ineptitude…The system of anything goes is gone and gone forever… Corruption shall cease to be a way of live.”
Kenyans were happy that their newly elected leader had reiterated his commitment to tackle the bull from its horns; little did they know that those were mere words and not the real fight against graft. Kibaki’s predecessor, President Moi had made Kenyans believe that any statement made by the president was law. With this believe there was a thought that, owing to the Kibaki’s inaugural sentiments, corrupt moguls will fear.
Corrupt elements tend to be more powerful, even more than the constitutional institutions established to fight them. The Ethics and Anti-Corruption commission (EACC) was established under the Act of Parliament to fight corruption, but its effectiveness remains in doubt. This might be due to political interference.
Initially referred as Kenya Anti-corruption commission (KACC), EACC has been numerously manipulated by the legislature, notwithstanding the varied changes in its structure and command. EACC leaders have been fought by the political figures and most leaders who prove effective were shown the door through legislative processes. PLO Lumumba was shown the door through a high voltage political machination.
President Uhuru Kenyatta was quoted saying that his hands were tied and there is nothing more he can do to eliminate corruption in his government. This revelation exposed how deep-rooted corruption was in government to the point of scaring the Commander in Chief.
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